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A Tory policy by any other name …

Will Keir Starmer’s new policy on asylum create a fair and just asylum system or will it make the position of asylum seekers and refugees just as precarious and uncertain as it was under the Tories? Labour’s latest policy is that if you arrive in a small boat across the Channel your asylum claim may be considered but, even if it is accepted and you get refugee status, you will never become a UK citizen. You will always be a “foreigner” in the eyes of the British state. This will be done, like the Tory policy before it, to punish, and to discourage others from taking the same journey, as if there were not enough punishments and discouragements already in crossing what Shakespeare called “the perilous narrow ocean” to safety. The migrants, however, keep coming.

What existed before under the Tories? When Priti Patel was home secretary, she created a two-tier refugee status: if you came by some recognised route, complete with passport and visa, and your asylum claim was accepted, you got first-tier refugee status and could eventually apply for citizenship. If you came in a small boat, and your asylum claim was accepted you got the second-tier status, which was temporary, under continuous review, you couldn’t bring any relatives here, and you were finally deported, either to another country that the government deemed to be “safe” or back to your own country when the government decided it was “safe” to go back to. Later, when Suella Braverman was home secretary, if you came by small boat you didn’t get your claim considered at all and you were earmarked for deportation.

Under Labour’s new scheme, if you come in a small boat it looks as if you may get your claim heard and even accepted — but you’ll never get citizenship. Starmer may want to convince us that it makes the system fairer to roll back from Braverman’s scheme to something like Patel’s (at least, he may argue, if you come in a small boat we will listen to your claim). But it doesn’t make it fairer at all: second-class status is second-class status whether because it’s temporary or because it can never lead to citizenship. Starmer’s new policy is a Tory policy. In any case all these versions of asylum policy break international law (the Refugee Convention in particular). They always did. But over the last several years we’ve learned that international law is often ineffective, unenforced (either by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, by the UN General Assembly or by the International Criminal Court.

Punishment and discouragement policies have never stopped people from making dangerous journeys. In the early 2010s, the EU (including the UK’s Tory government) withdrew its search-and-rescue operations in the Mediterranean, arguing that doing so would stop people from trying to get across (yes, you’ve guessed it) in small boats. It didn’t work, people kept trying to get across and many drowned. They made dangerous journeys out of necessity, just as you and I would. It seems that our politicians haven’t learned any lessons from that episode. They still want to enact ineffective policies that leave people to drown. Sometimes it looks as if drowning people is the aim.

What to do? Get regular emails from the Refugee Council and organisations like Refugee Action so you can keep up to date with what’s happening. Email your MP about the injustice of a system that targets and criminalises some of the most vulnerable people in the world. Write letters/emails to the local and national press, alerting them to what is happening and, if they support the government’s policy, protest in no uncertain terms. If you know any migrants or families of migrants, give them your support as they make their way through the system.

If you know a migrant who came in a small boat, perhaps someone who is staying with a relative while waiting for a decision on their case, make sure they have a solicitor to represent them, especially if they are going to court (no one should go to court without a solicitor to represent them — the law is complex and tricky and courtrooms can be dangerous places).

If you know someone whose relative is in detention, and they want to protest about it, you and the family can go to your MP’s surgery to protest, both about their detention and their treatment in detention — every week if necessary, until your MP takes action. Inform the local and national press about what you’re doing and publicise it on social media. Publicly supporting such detainees may positively affect the result. If there is a court hearing (whether it is a first hearing or a Court of Appeal hearing) go to it yourself and take as many friends as you can — it’s important that the judge or magistrate knows that the migrant has supporters and is not alone.

So the answer to my question is that Starmer’s new asylum policy is not new. It targets vulnerable people and deprives them of citizenship. It’s old Tory.

Time for fun

The Church of England is to invite suggestions from the public on who should be the next Archbishop of Canterbury. (Yes, I know, this bypasses the question about whether there should be a new archbishop or an Anglican Church at all. But let’s not spoil the fun.

The general unbelieving public will probably not take part, other than to make improper suggestions in language unfamiliar to your local vicar. Most Christians who are not Anglicans won’t bother; evangelical Anglicans will shift uncomfortably in their seats because they quote the Bible verse that says “Christ is the head of the church” rather than the King, even if, or especially if, he passes the role down to, say, Jacob Rees-Mogg. Catholics won’t bother because their pope is the successor of St Peter and is elected by a bunch of cardinals who claim to be guided by God. The current pope, Francisco, had no illusions about who chose him. As the smoke rose from the chimney above the Cistine Chapel after the vote, he apparently turned to his fellow cardinals and said, “May God forgive you!” As for the King having the final say, at least once under Thatcher’s governments she vetoed the church’s choice. I suppose he “wasn’t one of us”!
We should look for nothing but fun from this charade. The only alternative is to be violently sick!

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/cz9e23jlwdko

Theresa May’s victims are now Labour’s victims

https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2025/feb/02/windrush-grandfather-at-risk-of-deportation-after-almost-50-years-in-uk

In 2012, home secretary Theresa May launched the hostile environment. What was it?

During the UK’s general election campaign in 2010, David Cameron, leader of the Tory opposition, pledged to reduce the UK’s net immigration per year to “less than tens of thousands” if he became prime minister. After the election, he led a coalition government with the Liberal Democrats. He appointed Tory MP Theresa May as home secretary, who seemed as determined as he was to get immigration numbers down. She announced her intention in an interview in The Telegraph in 2012, saying, “The aim is to create, here in Britain, a really hostile environment for illegal immigrants.” She later introduced an Immigration Bill, which would become law in 2014, and explained its purpose in the following way:

Most people will say it can’t be fair for people who have no right to be here in the UK to continue to exist as everybody else does with bank accounts, with driving licences and with access to rented accommodation. We are going to be changing that because we don’t think that is fair … What we don’t want is a situation where people think that they can come here and overstay because they’re able to access everything they need.

The hostile environment policy led to two major scandals, the Windrush scandal and the Mediterranean scandal. I am concerned here with the Windrush scandal.

The name refers to the “Windrush generation”, British citizens from British colonies and ex-colonies in the Caribbean who had come to the UK to work and help rebuild the country after the Second World War. The first group came by boat, the SS Empire Windrush, in 1948. What happened during the hostile environment was particularly scandalous because this whole cohort of people who had been citizens for decades were told they were not. The House of Commons Home Affairs Select Committee, which later investigated the scandal, summed up what happened to them in a few succinct sentences. Members of the Windrush generation were

denied access to employment, healthcare, housing and other services in the UK. In some cases, people who had every right to live in the UK were targeted for removal, held in immigration detention, deported or prevented from returning to the UK from visits abroad. Upon trying to resolve their status with the Home Office, they faced obstacles such as “often insurmountable” requirements for decades-worth of evidence to demonstrate their time in the UK and significant application fees.

The Guardian story shows that the hostile environment has not disappeared. Samuel Jarrett-Coker is the latest of its victims to be revealed. There were half-hearted apologies, despite court cases won, and a failed compensation scheme set up. Yet many people have probably concluded that the scandal is over and the ill-treatment of its innocent victims a thing of the past.

Not any more.

Samuel Jarrett-Coker, 13 years after Cameron and May spawned the hostile environment, is in danger of losing his home and is threatened with deportation, after a lifetime in the UK, all because he hasn’t got a passport and, says the Home Office, must prove his British citizenship or be thrown out of the country.

I have written to my MP in Hull, Diana Johnson, about Samuel. I have explained to her that there is

absolutely no justification for Mr Jarrett-Coker’s treatment. The arguments put by the Home Office in his case were dismissed and settled in court in the Hubert Howard case in 2019, when Lord Justice Underhill declared that Hubert Howard’s residence in the UK “was lawful from his first arrival in 1960”.

The Home Office has been consistently abusive for decades. There’s not much we can do about the distant past. But we can bring the Windrush scandal to its end. I have suggested to Diana Johnson that as

we now have a Labour government, of which you are a member, it must surely be possible, now, to bring such Home Office abuse and the Windrush injustice, to an end. Three things should surely be done: stop the Home Office’s abuse; give Mr Jarrett-Coker his citizenship rights; and give all the surviving Windrush victims the compensation they deserve. If these actions are not taken, and fast, and if the Home Office is allowed to continue its abusive ways unchecked by politicians, not one of our ethnic communities (in Hull or anywhere else) is safe.

Read about Samuel Jarrett-Coker and then write to your MP. They all need to know, or be reminded of, what is still being done in our name to the innocent victims of what Theresa May called the “really hostile environment”.