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Conventional wisdom

The Refugee Convention was once a text that all its signatories were supposed to take seriously. States were asked to sign it, ratify it and act on it. Now, in the shadow of the ongoing refugee crisis, the responsibilities and obligations signed up to by those states are being set aside in favour of an incomprehensible, unnecessary tit-for-tat deal with Turkey so that this human-rights-abusing, press-freedom-denying state can slip into the EU with all that inconvenient stuff ignored.

The Refugee Convention is far from perfect. With a bit of deft manoeuvring its founding principles can be (and have often been) sidestepped. But it was created for good, historical reasons and it’s still (just about) with us. Today The Guardian calls it “a hallowed text created in the aftermath of the Holocaust”.[1] This makes it sound religious, “more honoured in the breach than in the observance” maybe, with perhaps a suggestion that it might be out of date too, although The Guardian should know that the Holocaust can never be just another past event, the memory of it should follow us, haunt us, from generation to generation. But the Convention is neither just a hallowed text nor out of date. It is, however, inconvenient to many states and it won’t be long before the cry will go up (again) that it should be repealed and be done with. In fact, instead, it should be strengthened. It will certainly be needed in the foreseeable future, at least until we manage to learn to build a future other than one of perpetual war.

In 2009 I wrote a bit about the history of the Refugee Convention. You can find it here in Chapter 1 of Dealt with on their Merits? (pp 7-20):

https://www.academia.edu/3981192/Treatment_of_asylum_seekers

[1] http://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/mar/18/eu-deal-turkey-migrants-refugees-q-and-a

“Do you really want to hurt me …?” – Trump says Yes

According to The Guardian today (see below), he cancelled a rally in face of a student demonstration because of “safety concerns”, although it’s not clear the police were worried enough to cancel and much of what The Guardian calls “mayhem” was caused by Trump’s own supporters using racial abuse against black and Hispanic demonstrators (these Trumpite supporters no doubt saw themselves as the advanced guard, readying themselves to build the wall against Mexico).
    The very idea of a Trump rally at the University of Illinois in Chicago was enough in itself, of course, to provoke a demonstration: Trump of all people having a rally in “one of the most diverse [universities] in the country”. There would have been something wrong if the students hadn’t demonstrated. They were right to protest, and they aren’t the problem – Trump is.
    For me the quote to note comes from Trump himself at another rally, when protesters were being removed. It sets the tone for a Trump presidency: “Part of the problem”, he said, “and part of the reason it takes so long [to kick protesters out] is nobody wants to hurt each other any more … There used to be consequences. There are none any more.”
    So beware: if he gets to be President we’ll all have “safety concerns”.

Desperate – but with one more card to play?

A friend of mine in Miami was wondering this week, in the wake of Trump’s apparent victory, when we would hear that the GOP itself is dropping out of the race! Last night it almost sounded like they were planning to do that, judging by Mitt Romney’s comments! In our parallel European world, a friend of mine on Twitter, quoting the comedian Mark Steel, was wishing the other day that there was some way the EU No campaigners and the Yes campaigners could both lose! We are all getting increasingly desperate.

And there’s more to feed our desperation: according to today’s Guardian, North Korea’s Kim Jong-un, “who was supervising [help!] the test-firing of newly developed multiple rocket launchers, said North Korea’s situation had become so perilous that it should have the option of launching a ‘pre-emptive attack’”. Oh, good. We have Kim’s finger on North Korea’s button and we may soon have Trump’s finger on America’s button. Imagine – people thought the Cuban missile crisis was dangerous! Come back Kennedy and Khrushchev, all (no, not quite) is forgiven!

Still, hold on – there’s still Jeremy!

EU 2: You will be voting against migrants whichever way you vote

How to vote in the referendum if you support a humane response to the current migration crisis? Many in the No camp sound like they just want to “secure our borders” and keep the migrants out. But if we want a humane response what do we do?

In 2014, when rickety boats filled with people fleeing war and persecution began to sink, dragging their passengers to the bottom of the Mediterranean, or their bodies got washed up on the nearest shore, there were some who shouted, “Close the borders”. The Tory-led coalition (really the Tories dragging the pathetic so-called Liberal Democrats behind them) said, in effect, “Let them drown” and withdrew its support for the Italian-led rescue operations. Under pressure after this common Tory gut reaction Cameron said they would take in a tiny number of refugees – but not from the Mediterranean. They would take them from the refugee camps in Lebanon and elsewhere. Because, you see, people contemplating a journey across the Mediterranean had to learn a lesson: “Don’t set out in the first place.” So when, predictably, the drowning continued, presumably the Tories thought, “Don’t come whining to us – it’s your own fault.” By April 2015 there were fifteen times more deaths of migrants in the Mediterranean that year than in the whole of 2014.

More recently, during the crisis in Calais, in the camp called “the Jungle”, Cameron seems to have been forced (through actual or threatened legal action in the courts) to concede that at least some children there, with family in the UK, have the right to come here. But he’s done bugger all about it and most of them are still in Calais.

It’s arguable that if we vote to leave the EU we will be turning our backs on desperate people and putting their fate in the hands of a politician (whether Cameron or Boris Johnson) who would let migrants drown, let them rot in the garbage of Calais or send them packing back to where they came from.

So what would we be doing if we voted to stay in the EU? Other EU states seemed at first to be different. Germany took large numbers of refugees and there was talk of sharing responsibility across the EU states. But many were reluctant from the start, they couldn’t agree how this might be done and they began to squabble amongst themselves. So there was deadlock and some of them began to close their borders – those borders which, under the Schengen Convention, were the pride and joy of the EU, open borders within the Union. Another cry went up: “Schengen is finished.”

For those who don’t like the EU because they don’t like foreigners this is good news. For them the EU is finished, and good riddance. For those who hoped that the EU would provide a humanitarian solution it is bad news. So how to vote? Jeremy Corbyn is still optimistic as, on behalf of the Labour Party, he argues to vote Yes to the EU:

“‘There has to be an agreement all across Europe that [the EU states] all take a proportion of [the refugees],’ he said. ‘The problem is that the degree of inward-looking politics that’s going on has meant that Greece is making a huge effort, Italy is making a huge effort and Germany is making a huge effort. Every other country is putting barbed wire entanglements along their borders to keep desperate people out … Surely in the 21st century the least we can do is reach out and try to help these people in some way; by the political solution in Syria; by the support for what the Greek government is trying to do and take a proportion all across Europe.’”[1]

That, presumably, would be the policy if there was a Labour government. But yesterday the French began to bulldoze the people in Calais out of their makeshift homes. The French had originally said that the process of moving people would be done by gentle persuasion over many weeks, not with force or violence, not with bulldozers. The French Minister of the Interior spelt this out only last week: the government’s plan, he said, was not “to carry out a brutal evacuation of the camp by using bulldozers, this is not how we operate.” But yesterday the bulldozers appeared and the destruction began.

On Channel 4 News last night Krishnan Guru-Murthy asked Sylvie Bermann, the French ambassador to the UK: “Why did you say ‘no bulldozers’ and then use them?”

Bermann: I think we are using bulldozers to clear the camp, not to force all these migrants to go.

Guru-Murthy: But you said you wouldn’t.

Bermann: Well, our ministers said we wouldn’t force people to go, but at the same time what I cannot understand is – well, your reporter said it was filthy, stinking conditions. So how could you consider it better to live in these squalid conditions than to be relocated in accommodations [sic] where you have water, heating, electricity?

Guru-Murthy: But you don’t have enough space. There are thousands living there and there aren’t enough spaces in the shipping containers. They’re not flats, are they, they’re shipping containers, where you’re suggesting they go and live in?

Bermann: They are temporary accommodations, that’s true, but some of them will be relocated in other camps in France.

Guru-Murthy: Can you guarantee every one of them a comfortable roof over their heads?

Bermann: They will be relocated, but conditions will be far much better [sic] than it was in the Jungle.[2]

At the end of all this ducking and diving, there was no answer to the question, “Why use bulldozers when you said ‘no bulldozers’?” But then Sylvie is a diplomat.

So referendum voters who want a humanitarian solution to the migration crisis aren’t going to get one, in or out of the EU. The Tories will close the UK’s borders either way; the EU states will do the same; and France, our nearest neighbour, will bring out the bulldozers at the drop of a hat despite its much-vaunted pride in being the home of human rights.

How to vote? With some difficulty.

 

[1] The Guardian, 29 February 2016.

[2] Channel 4 News, 29 February 2016.

EU 1: Thinking aloud about some of the questions: workers’ rights

I haven’t decided how I’m going to vote in the EU referendum. If I vote to leave I will be joining a ramshackle bunch of characters including Michael Gove, Nigel Farage and George Galloway. Shouting with them from the sidelines, as Andrew Raunsley points out in today’s Observer (see link (1) below), are Marine le Pen and Vladimir Putin. And if the No camp wins we might even end up with Boris Johnson as prime minister.

All that is nearly enough to send me into the Yes camp!

But I’m also horrified by the supporters of continued membership who, one way or another, have got us where we are today. Raunsley’s list includes

“the chancellor, foreign secretary and home secretary, most of the rest of the cabinet, the great majority of senior figures from the opposition parties, the bulk of big business and the trade unions, the governor of the Bank of England, the president of the United States and the leader of every European country that anyone might conceivably have heard of.”

That’s almost enough to send me into the No camp!

However, it’s not about lists of clowns, bankers, politicians, or other Very Important People. It is, as Tony Benn always insisted, about “the issues”. Take, for instance, the question of workers’ rights. Would it be better for workers’ rights if we stayed in or if we left?

Let me suggest one argument for staying in. Many unions are saying that workers’ rights will be better protected if we stay in. But I notice the biggest French union, the CGT, says that the latest “reforms” of the Code du Travail announced by the French government will take France back to the 19th century (see link (2) below). And this in a France firmly entrenched in the EU. This game of “reforms” is the game all governments want to play, and no country’s workers are safe, and this suggests that there are no automatic guarantees of workers’ rights in the EU and that whether we’re in or out we’ll have to defend the rights we fought for. M. Martinez is calling on French trade unionists to do that now in France. So the argument for staying in to protect workers’ rights doesn’t seem to be a particularly strong one.

Unless, of course, we add M. Martinez’s element of workers taking action to defend their rights. Then, if we stayed in, it would be easier to join them and any others across the EU doing the same. Wouldn’t Brexit leave British workers weaker against Cameron, and other workers in Europe weaker against their own governments? I think solidarity is better than isolation. And perhaps solidarity across the EU could change it to the advantage of workers beyond the wildest dreams that Cameron has of changing it to the advantage of his rich, arrogant, corporate buddies.

That’s my first thought, anyway. More to come as the campaigning goes on.

 

(1) Andrew Raunsley’s article: http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2016/feb/21/eu-refendum-tory-party-uk-at-stake

(2) Article in Libération: http://www.liberation.fr/france/2016/02/19/martinez-le-nouveau-code-du-travail-un-retour-au-xixe-siecle_1434633

 

On responsibility

David Cameron clearly can’t break the habit of a lifetime: he’s going to play the race card again. He seems to have set in motion a nice little scare story. An agreement made some years ago between the UK and France allows UK border control officials to police the borders between France and the UK on the French side in order to stop asylum seekers from ever arriving on British soil. This is a local version of the wider system of Airport Liaison Officers (ALOs) who since the 1990s have been sent to a number of what are called “refugee-producing countries” – that is, persecuting countries – in order to help them stop their terrified citizens from fleeing their borders and applying for asylum here.

Now Cameron is suggesting that if the EU referendum results in the UK leaving the EU France may renege on that agreement, resulting in uncontrolled migration to our shores and migrant camps on the beach at Dover instead of Calais. So the message is vote to stay in the EU and we’ll keep the barbarians out.

Well, I haven’t decided how I’m going to vote. But however I vote it won’t be based on some imagined need to keep refugees out. This refugee crisis, perhaps more than any other, is of our own making. “Jaw-jaw is better than war-war”, said Churchill (of all people!). But the US chose war in Afghanistan as revenge for the Twin Towers and to get rid of the Taliban and al-Quaida. It failed and, with our help, left the country in a mess with the Taliban still alive and kicking today; we chose war in Iraq to get rid of weapons of mass destruction which we knew it didn’t have, left it hopelessly divided and paved the way for the rise of ISIS. We intervened in Libya to save it from Gaddafi and, yes, you’ve guessed it, left it in a mess – arguably, as in the case of Iraq, in a worse mess than it was in under the regime we were so eager to get rid of. Now we’ve agreed to join the airstrikes in Syria, and there’s talk of further military action in Libya (its “peace talks”, like those on Syria, having broken down). All of these interventions have produced innocent victims and, despite claims of “smart bombs” (not again, please), there will be more innocent victims. All these interventions have produced refugees and will continue to do so.

So I’m for the UK taking responsibility for the refugees it has helped to create, in line with its obligations under the Refugee Convention which it has signed. I’m for peace talks, diplomacy, all sorts of jaw-jaw. Whether we are in the EU or out, I’m against Airport  Liaison Officers or anybody else preventing people fleeing unmentionable horrors from finding shelter here. And if the EU states are incapable of finding ways to share responsibility for refugees among themselves, perhaps the club is not worth belonging to after all.

I don’t like ending on what feels like a negative note, but it’s all I can manage tonight. Here’s the Cameron story:

http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-eu-referendum-35519210

 

New politics v. Old?

The Guardian reports Jeremy Corbyn’s interview with Andrew Marr. It seems like good news and a welcome breath of the new politics:

“Jeremy Corbyn says he would repeal Thatcher’s sympathy strikes ban

Labour leader says walkouts in support of workers from another industry are legal in most countries and should be so in UK”

And it is a welcome breath of the new politics, of course. But isn’t it typical that someone should immediately use a method based on the old politics to undermine the new and spoil our dinners? According to the report Len McCluskey, the Unite union’s General Secretary, quickly waded in to insist that Jeremy didn’t mean anything of the kind (how old politics that is). He claimed that when Corbyn said he would repeal Thatcher’s laws against solidarity action it didn’t mean “tube drivers going out in support of other workers.” Oh, yes it did, Len: according to the Guardian,

“On whether that meant he would repeal the legislation imposing bans on these [solidarity] measures, [Corbyn] said, ‘Of course.'”

I’m not sure what part of the phrase “Of course” Len doesn’t understand. But to me it means that Jeremy “would repeal the legislation imposing bans” on solidarity action.

Well, thank Gawd for that! And if solidarity action was legal now, not only tube drivers but other workers too could strike in support of, say, the junior doctors. Now that would get them their contracts, and protect patients, doctors and the future of the NHS.

So what would be wrong with that, Len?

 

 

 

 

Doctors on strike

When I got to the hospital at 1pm today there was no sign of a picket outside. Where were the striking junior doctors? Inside? I walked in and there was just the usual queue for the lifts. There are 12 floors at Hull Royal Infirmary – try to climb the stairs and you could end up being a patient! Anyway, no junior doctors’ picket.

Back outside, I spotted the office of the union Unison. The woman inside told me the strikers had gone to march around the centre of town, so I set out to find them. Halfway there I met about a dozen strikers, mostly in uniform, placards in hand, on their way back to the hospital, all set to stay on the picket line till 5pm. In town they’d handed out leaflets and explained their case for striking, and now, on their way back, they were greeted by a continual stream of car drivers hooting their support.

Why were they striking? They’ve been trying to negotiate a decent contract, they explain in their leaflet, that

“pays us fairly for the hours we work

ensures that the hours we work are safe

provides cover at weekends and at night, but also recognises our right to family life

doesn’t disadvantage those doctors who work less than full time or who take parental leave”

Now the government is threatening to impose a contract on them which doesn’t satisfy these points. The strike is “a last resort”, they explain. One of the doctors holding a placard and a handful of leaflets told me, “Quite honestly, I’d rather be working, but what else can we do?”

His words illustrate two things. First, their action today was not aimed at patients and did not put patients at risk, though that allegation has been made and will be made again. They are medics because they want to care for their patients. Secondly, his words are a measure of their desperation. Their leaflet explains:

“We are fed up of hearing government ministers undervalue our work and undermine patients’ trust in us. Many of us are already at breaking point, looking to work overseas or even leaving the medical profession altogether.”

“So when’s the next strike?” I asked my new doctor friend.

“Oh, not till next week,” he said. “But we’re  hoping it won’t be necessary. We’re hoping the government will see sense and come back to negotiate.”

I must say the idea of the government seeing sense is not one that has often occurred to me. I suspect his hope is a vain one. There’ll be need for more strikes, and support from other workers, not just those in the medical professions, before the doctors get their contract.

Anyway, next week I’ll try to be on time and join the picket. Is that still called “secondary picketing”? And is that still illegal?

Don’t know.

Don’t care.